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1
Minsu Chung
1
⋅Uijung Kim
2
⋅Hyeonseo Lee
3
⋅Seongju Hong
4
⋅Dongryeol Lee
5
The Seoul Metropolitan Region (SMG) is disproportionately over-concentrated,
squeezing more than half of the population into a space just 12% of South Korea’s total
land area. The density has worsened from continued influx of young population. From
2015 to 2021, youth migrants were behind a 78.5% increase in the population of the
capital region, while dealing respective declines of 75.3%, 87.8%, and 77.2% in Dongnam,
Honam, Daegyeong Regions during the same period.
The persistent hemorrhage of productive youth force poses serious problems for the
non-capital areas. Depopulation has accelerated as the result of birth deficiency. In Honam,
the birth loss due to fewer young population across last two decades was equivalent to
49.7% of the number of newborns in 2021. The setback ratio was 31.6% for Daegeyeong
and 21.9% for Dongnam Regions. The shortage of youth force deepened labor mismatch
and damaged employment outside the capital region, worsening their environment to host
companies. The phenomenon portends secular implications for human capital and growth
potential outside the capital area due to the loss of the young with tertiary education.
The government paid utmost attention to regional development for decades to deter
polarization, but obviously to little avail as evinced by the increased concentration around
the capital. The consequence demands a reexamination in the even-growth model for
regional development by concentrating resources to breed core municipalities to maximize
policy effects and benefits from the economies of agglomeration.
Youth mobility pivoted towards the capital region stems not just from higher income
expectations but also from the disparities in social amenities such as entertainment and
medical facilities. All non-capital regions cannot grow to be as resourceful as Seoul area,
given the demographic and fiscal constraints. The most practical policy option would be
vitalization of core municipalities through maximization of agglomeration and spillover
benefits. Empirical studies of other countries support the effectiveness of big metropolitan
No. 2023-29
BOK ISSUE NOTE
Nov. 2, 2023
Regional Migration and Economy
3
Contents
Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. Seoul Metropolitan Region Concentration
Ⅲ. Inter-regional Migration Trend and Impact on Capital Area
Concentration
1. Change in Regional Population and Inter-regional Migration
2. Youth Migration and Capital Concentration
Youth Migration in Demographic Context
Youth Migration in Human Capital Context
Factors behind Migration
3. Impact from Youth Migration to Capital Region
Outmigration and Regional Population
Outmigration and Regional Labor Market
Outmigration and Regional Economies
Youth Migration and National Economy
Ⅳ. Balanced Growth Model Based on Regional Cores
1. Why a New Approach is Necessary
Past Decentralization and Balanced Development Strategies
Shift towards Hub Cities
Decentralization Effect from Growth of Core Cities
2. Growth Potential for Core Cities
Population Change in Core Metropolitan Areas
Internal Youth Migration to Core Cities
Better Service Options in Core Cities
Improvement in Economic Data in Core Cities
3. hub city Development Vision
Concentration of Large Public Infrastructure
The Need of Metro Area Governance Body and Within-migration
Regional Specialization
Knowledge Agglomeration in Core Cities
Ⅴ. Conclusions
4
Ⅰ. Introduction
Demographic dividend
1)
has turned into a
deficit for South Korea after working
population peaked out in 2019. The cocktail
of ultra-low birthrate, fast aging
2)
, and
depopulation pressure portends detrimental
consequences throughout the country, but
the damage can deal heavier on non-capital
regions than the capital area.
Over-concentration in the capital region has
deepened, with the population share
exceeding 50% from 2020. Other regions are
shrinking fast with some already veering
towards the brink of extinction.
3)
[Figure 1] Working-Age Population and
Dependency Ratio
1)
(Left) and
Population by Region (Right)
Note: 1) The dotted area in the trendline is an estimate.
Source: Statistics Korea (Population Projections).
The population polarization owes more to
net migration than natural change, the
difference between births and deaths, driven
by young migrants. The loss of young
people has fed a vicious cycle due to
growth and job constraints from reduced
births and aged structure. Disproportionate
youth inflow into already densely populated
Seoul area worsens environment for
marriage and birth from over-competition to
damage long-term social sustainability. If the
imbalance is uncorrected, it can threaten the
1) Demographic dividend refers to the upside to the economic growth potential from the demographic
structure where the working population aged between 15 and 64 is larger than the share of
dependents (14 and younger and 65 and older). Korea’s dependency ratio has bee on the rise since
logging 0.36 in 2012.
2) Korea’s total fertility rate has been hovering below 1.3 since 2002. Korea moved from “aging society”
- with the proportion of people aged 65 or older at 7% of total population - to “aged” (with senior
ratio at 14%) in 18 years, faster than 25 years taken for Japan and is expected to shift to the
“superaged” category in 7 years versus Japan’s 10.
Years taken for countries to become superaged
(with the elderly share exceeding 20%)
S. Korea
Japan
USA
UK
France
Germany
Italy
2025 (7)
2004 (10)
2029 (15)
2025 (50)
2018 (39)
2008 (36)
2007 (19)
The number in parenthesis is years taken for the shift from aged to superaged.
Source: UN.
3) Of 228 cities, counties, and district wards in the country, nearly half or 113 faced extinction risk as of
March 2022, with the share of fertile women aged 20 to 39 against the population aged 65 and
older falling to 0.5 or lower. (Korea Employment Information Service. April 2022)
5
national stability and fundamentals.
The government has taken actions to ease
the imbalance for decades through
enhancement of regional infrastructure to
raise the living standards across the region
and support self-sufficiency. The contrary
results underscore the limitation in the past
policy measures. The capital region’s
attractiveness only strengthened due to the
enlarged benefits of agglomeration
economies from the advance of knowledge
services and IT technologies and eased
congestion costs through enhancement of
transport and commuting infrastructure. The
regional development based on even
appropriation of budgetary subsidies should
be redressed to scale up core municipalities
to enhance their metropolitan role. Core
municipalities must live up to their central
role with global competitiveness even if they
cannot fully match Seoul.
It is impossible to attain exponential growth
for all metropolitan areas due to demographic
and fiscal constraints. The best option would
be building up the economies of scale for
central locations through concentrated
infrastructure to maximize agglomeration
benefits so that they can be formidable urban
settlement alternative for young population.
Ⅱ. Seoul Metro Region (SMR)
Concentration
Demographic divide has deepened in Korea’s
7 geographical jurisdictions
4)
across the last
two decades. On the growing side are – the
Seoul Metropolitan Region (SMR),
Chungcheong, Gangwon, and Jeju Regions –
and the shrinking side are – Dongnam,
Honam, and Daegyeong – whose population
has been on the decline except for early
2010s. The capital area has been showing
the most robust growth after Jeju
5)
to host
more than half of the country’s population
since 2020. Representing higher density in
urbanized areas, the Gini coefficient rose
from 0.47 in 2000 to 0.49 2023 on
jurisdiction level and from 0.42 to 0.46 on
municipality and provincial level.
6)
Few capital in the global map has the
density level of Seoul area. Seoul is 2.8
times more populated than the second
largest city of Busan, above the average of
2 times in the relative primacy between the
capital and the second largest city in
countries of comparable territorial and
economic scale (<Figure 4>).
No other country has more than half of the
population squeezed into just 10 percent of
its territorial space.
7)
.
4) BOK in “Regional Economy Report” divides territorial jurisdictions as Seoul Metropolitan Region,
Dongnam Region, Chungcheong Region, Honam Region, Daegyeong Region, Gangwon Region, and
Jeju Region.
5) Jeju Region from mid-2010s has seen sharp influx of youth and middle-aged population in search of
healthier environment and education options. Jeju was populated by 680,000 in 2023, 1.3% of Korea’s
total population of 51.56 million.
6) The disparity between Seoul area and other regions is widening not just in sheer population number
but also in the demographic (aging) structure. (<Box 1>).
6
[Figure 2] Population Change by Region
Source: Statistics Korea
[Figure 3] Capital Area Concentration
Source: Statistics Korea, Authors’ Calculation
[Figure 4] Population Gap btw Capital-2nd
Biggest City
1)2)
(Left) and Capital
Density Comparison
3)4)
(Right)
Notes: 1) Based on 2023 data (2019 for UK).
2) UK data based on Government Office Regions.
3) Based on 2022 data (2019 for UK).
4) Capital and neighboring municipalities compiled
for other countries for more accurate comparison
with Seoul capital region.
Sources: Statistics Korea, World Population Review,
Eurostat, OECD.
Small countries tend to have higher
concentration around the capital. The
scatterplot in <Figure 5> illustrates the
OECD sample members
8)
having negative
correlation between the weight of capital
share and their population and gross
regional domestic product (GRDP)
9)
. Korea
stands markedly above the average trendline
to rank highest in capital city weight against
population and GDP among 26 OECD
members.
The weight of second to fourth largest cities
in population and GDP fell in line with
OECD average. <Figure 6>). In short, the
7) Capital area accounted for 50.6% of total population as of 2023 and 11.8% of total land area as of
2022.
8) Samples for population were 26 OECD member countries – Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada,
Switzerland, Chile, Columbia, Czech, Germany, Denmark, Spain, Finland, France, U.K., Hungary, Ireland,
Italy, Japan, Korea, Mexico, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Turkiye, and the USA. GDP
samples were 27 including Norway.
9) The finding slightly differs from the results in <Figure 4> as they are based on OECD geographic
taxonomy of Functional Urban Area(FUA).
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