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ARI 29/2023
12 April 2023
Relapsing into deadlock: Libya’s recurring government
splits and international recognition dilemmas
Irene Fernández-Molina | Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of
Exeter | @irenefmolina
Theme
In Libya, domestic authority fractures have become a constant in the midst of a fluid
conflict. The practices of international recognition of governments pursued since 2011
have faced dilemmas stemming from three dichotomies: international vs domestic
recognition; legitimacy vs effectiveness; and coherence vs inclusivity in conflict
mediation and peacemaking.
Summary
Twelve years after the spark of the revolution and the international military intervention
that overthrew the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya is yet to see the light at
the end of the tunnel of protracted turmoil and intermittent civil war. Parliamentary and
presidential elections were planned to take place on 24 December 2021; however, three
days earlier, the High National Election Commission suspended the entire process.
Agreed by the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum (LPDF), this electoral roadmap provided
some hope for Libyans to overcome conflict and fragmentation. Since its failure, the
country has seen a new government split along the lines of the authority fractures in
2014-15 and 2016-21. Two parallel cabinets are operating again in Tripolitania (West)
and Cyrenaica/Barqa (East) since February-March 2022, with the ensuing increased risk
of return to violent conflict.
Analysis
Background and analytical reconsiderations of the Libyan conflict
Over the past 12 years, Libya has gone through the overlapping upheavals of revolution,
international military intervention and civil war in three episodes (February-October 2011,
May 2014-December 2015 and April 2019-October 2020), as well as relatively quieter
interludes devoted to stabilisation, political transition, security sector reform (SSR) and
state-building attempts (October 2011-May 2014, December 2015-April 2019 and
October 2020-now). Yet, at no time have the latter efforts resulted in a sustainable
conflict settlement. Against a backdrop of deepening political fragmentation and
hybridisation of security governance in the country –due to the blurred boundaries
between state and non-state actors–, the failure of conflict resolution has been
conspicuously associated, at the institutional level, with recurring authority splits and
international recognition contests.
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